By 1801, dissatisfaction with Paul 1 began to go off scale. Moreover, not ordinary citizens were dissatisfied with him, but his sons, in particular Alexander, some generals and the elite. The reason for the dissatisfaction is the rejection of the policy of Catherine II and the deprivation of the dominant role and some privileges of the nobility. The British ambassador supported them in this, since Paul 1 broke off all diplomatic relations with the British after their betrayal. On the night of March 11-12, 1801, the conspirators, under the leadership of General Palen, broke into Paul's chambers and killed him.
The reign of Alexander 1 actually began on March 12, 1801, based on a coup d'état by the elite. In the early years, the emperor was an adherent of liberal reforms, as well as the idea of the Republic. Therefore, from the first years of his reign, he had to face difficulties. He had like-minded people who supported the views of liberal reforms, but the bulk of the nobility acted from the position of conservatism, so 2 camps were formed in Russia. In the future, the conservatives won, and Alexander himself, towards the end of his reign, changed his liberal views to conservative ones.
For the implementation of the svkh view, Alexander created an "unspoken committee", which included his associates. It was an unofficial body, but it was he who was involved in the initial projects of the refrm.
Alexander's domestic policy differed little from the policy of his predecessors. He also believed that serfs should not have any rights. The discontent of the peasants was very strong, so Emperor Alexander 1 was forced to sign a decree banning the sale of serfs (this decree was easily bypassed by the landowners) and in the year the decree "On the sculptors of cultivators" was signed. According to this decree, the landowner was allowed to provide the peasants with freedom and land, if they could redeem themselves. This decree was more formal, since the peasants were poor, and they could not redeem themselves from the landowner. During the reign of Alexander 1, 0.5% of the peasants throughout the country received free freedom.
The emperor changed the system of government of the country. He dissolved the collegia that had been appointed by Peter the Great and organized ministries in their place. At the head of each ministry was a minister who reported directly to the emperor. During the reign of Alexander, the judicial system of Russia was also changed. The Senate was declared the highest judicial authority. In 1810, Emperor Alexander 1 announced the creation of the State Council, which became the supreme governing body of the country. The system of the state system, which was proposed by Emperor Alexander I, existed with minor changes until the very moment of the fall of the Russian Empire in 1917.
During the reign of Alexander the First, there were 3 large estates of inhabitants in Russia:
Moreover, the population of Russia increased and by the beginning of the reign of Alexander (early 19th century) it was 40 million people. For comparison, at the start of the 18th century, the population of Russia was 15.5 million.
Alexander's foreign policy was not distinguished by prudence. The emperor believed in the need for an alliance against Napoleon, and as a result, in 1805, a campaign was made against France, in alliance with England and Austria, and in 1806-1807. in alliance with England and Prussia. The British did not fight at the same time. These campaigns did not bring success, and in 1807 the Peace of Tilsit was signed. Napoleon did not demand any concessions from Russia, he was looking for an alliance with Alexander, but the Emperor Alexander I, loyal to the British, did not want to come closer. As a result, this peace became only a truce. And in June 1812, the Patriotic War began between Russia and France. Thanks to the genius of Kutuzov and the fact that the entire Russian people rose up against the invaders, already in 1812 the French were defeated and expelled from Russia. Fulfilling the duty of the Union, Emperor Alexander 1 gave the order to pursue Napoleon's troops. The foreign campaign of the Russian army continued until 1814. This campaign did not bring much success for Russia.
Emperor Alexander 1 lost his vigilance after the war. He had absolutely no control over the foreign organizations, which began to supply the Russian revolutionaries with money in large quantities. As a result, a boom of revolutionary movements aimed at overthrowing the emperor began in the country. All this resulted in the Decembrist uprising on December 14, 1825. The uprising was subsequently suppressed, but a dangerous precedent was set in the country, and most of the participants in the uprising fled from justice.
The reign of Alexander I was not glorious for Russia. The Emperor admired England and did almost everything that was asked of him in London. He got involved in the anti-French coalition, pursuing the interests of the British, Napoleon at that time did not think about a campaign against Russia. The result of such a policy was dire: the devastating war of 1812 and the powerful uprising of 1825.
Emperor Alexander 1 died in 1825, having ceded the throne to his brother, Nicholas 1.
- Russian Emperor 1801-1825, son of Emperor Pavel Petrovich and Empress Maria Feodorovna. Born on December 12, 1777, ascended the throne on March 12, 1801. Died in Taganrog on November 19, 1825
Catherine the Great did not love her son Pavel Petrovich, but took care of the upbringing of her grandson, Alexander, whom she early deprived of his mother's supervision for these purposes. Catherine, unusually talented in education, entered into all his little things, trying to put him at the height of the pedagogical requirements of that time. She wrote a "grandmother's alphabet" with didactic anecdotes and gave the educator of the Grand Dukes Alexander and his brother Konstantin, Count (later Prince) N.I. , courtesy and knowledge. " These instructions were built on the principles of abstract liberalism and imbued with fashionable pedagogical ideas of "Emil" Rousseau. Saltykov, an ordinary man, was chosen to serve as a screen for Catherine, who wanted, without irritating her son Pavel, to direct Alexander's upbringing personally. Other mentors of Alexander I in childhood were the Swiss Laharpe (who taught at first the brother of Catherine II's favorite, Lanskoy). An admirer of republican ideas and political freedom, Laharpe was in charge of Alexander's mental education, read with him Demosthenes and Mably, Tacitus and Gibbon, Locke and Rousseau; he earned the respect of his student. Lagarpe was assisted by the professor of physics Kraft, the famous botanist Pallas, the mathematician Masson. The Russian language was taught to Alexander by the sentimental writer M.N. Muravyov, and the law of God was taught by Archpriest A.A. liberal tendency of Catherine.
The upbringing that Alexander I received did not have a strong religious and national foundation; it did not develop personal initiative in him, keeping him away from contact with Russian reality. On the other hand, it was too abstract for a 10–14 year old boy. Such an upbringing instilled in Alexander humane feelings and a penchant for abstract liberalism, but gave little concrete, and, therefore, was almost devoid of practical significance. The results of this upbringing were clearly reflected in the character of Alexander all his life: impressionability, humanity, attractive appeal, but also a tendency to abstraction, a weak ability to translate "bright dreams" into reality. In addition, upbringing was interrupted due to the early marriage of the Grand Duke (16 years old) to the 14-year-old princess of Baden Louise, who received the Orthodox name Elizaveta Alekseevna.
Catherine, who did not love her son, Paul, thought to remove him from the throne and hand over the throne to Alexander. That is why she hastened to marry him at a very young age. The grown-up Alexander was in a rather difficult position. The relationship between his parents and his grandmother was extremely strained. Around Pavel and Maria Feodorovna, a kind of special courtyard was grouped, separate from Catherine's. Alexander's parents did not approve of the excessive free-thinking and favoritism of Catherine II. Often, being present in the morning at parades and exercises in his father's Gatchina, in a clumsy uniform, Alexander visited the refined society that was gathering in the Catherine's Hermitage in the evening. The need to maneuver between the grandmother and the parents who were at enmity with her taught the Grand Duke to secrecy, and the discrepancy between the liberal theories instilled in him by the teachers and Russian reality, instilled in him distrust of people and disappointment. All this from a young age developed secrecy and hypocrisy in Alexander. He felt disgust at court life and dreamed of giving up his hereditary rights in order to lead the life of a private man on the Rhine. These plans (in the spirit of the Western romantics of that time) were also shared by his wife, a German woman, Elizaveta Alekseevna. They strengthened in Alexander the tendency to rush around with sublime chimeras far from reality. Even then, having struck up close friendships with the young aristocrats Czartoryski, Stroganov, Novosiltsev and Kochubei, Alexander informed them of his desire to go into private life. But friends urged him not to lay down the royal burden. Under their influence, Alexander decided to first give the country political freedom and only then relinquish power.
The changes that took place in the Russian order after the death of Catherine II and Paul's accession to the throne were very painful for Alexander. In letters to friends, he resented his father's recklessness, tyranny and favoritism. Pavel appointed Alexander the chief military governor of St. Petersburg, and the bulk of Pavlov's punitive measures went directly through him. Not really trusting his son, Paul forced him to personally sign the orders of cruel punishments to innocent people. In this service, Alexander became close to an intelligent and strong-willed cynic, Count Palen, who soon became the soul of a conspiracy against Paul.
The conspirators dragged Alexander into the conspiracy, so that in case of his failure, the participation of the heir to the throne would provide them with impunity. They convinced the Grand Duke that their goal was only to force Paul to abdicate and then establish a regency headed by Alexander himself. Alexander agreed to the coup, taking an oath from Palen that Paul's life would remain inviolable. But Paul was killed, and this tragic denouement plunged Alexander into despair. Involuntary participation in the murder of his father contributed much to the development of a mystical, almost morbid mood in him towards the end of the reign.
The dreamy Alexander from his youth showed humanity and meekness in his treatment of subordinates. They seduced everyone so that, according to Speransky, even a person with a stone heart could not resist such treatment. Therefore, the society with great joy welcomed the accession of Alexander I to the throne (March 12, 1801). But the young tsar faced difficult political and administrative tasks. Alexander was inexperienced in government affairs, had little knowledge of the situation in Russia, and had few people he could rely on. Former Catherine's nobles were already old or dispersed by Paul. Alexander did not trust clever Palen and Panin because of their gloomy role in the conspiracy against Paul. Of the young friends of Alexander I, only Stroganov was in Russia. Czartoryski, Novosiltsev and Kochubey were urgently summoned from abroad, but they could not arrive quickly.
Against his own will, Alexander left Palen and Panin in the service, who, however, personally they did not participate in the murder of Paul. Pahlen, the most knowledgeable of the then leaders, at first acquired enormous influence. The country's international position at that time was not easy. Emperor Paul, indignant at the selfish actions of the British during the joint landing with the Russian in Holland (1799), left the coalition with Britain against France before his death and was preparing to enter into an alliance with Bonaparte. With this, he summoned the British on a naval expedition against Russia and Denmark. A week after Pavel's death, Nelson bombed Copenhagen, destroyed the entire Danish fleet and prepared to bombard Kronstadt from St. Petersburg. However, the accession of Alexander I to Russia somewhat calmed the British. The London government and former Ambassador Whitworth were involved in a conspiracy against Paul to keep Russia from alliance with France. After negotiations between the British and Palen, Nelson, who had already reached Revel with his squadron, sailed back with an apology. On the very night of Paul's assassination, the Don Cossacks, sent by Paul on a campaign against the British in India, were ordered to stop this expedition. Alexander I decided for the time being to follow a peaceful policy, restored peaceful relations with England by convention on June 5, and concluded peace treaties on September 26 with France and Spain. Having achieved this, he considered it necessary, first of all, to devote himself to internal transformative activities, which took the first four years of his reign.
The old Catherine's grandee Troshchinsky drew up a draft manifesto on the accession of the new emperor to the throne. It was published on March 12, 1801. Alexander I promised to rule in it "according to the laws and according to the heart of his grandmother, Catherine the Great." This satisfied the main desire of Russian society, which was indignant at the persecution and extravagant arbitrariness of Paul. On the same day, all the victims of the secret expedition were released from prison and exile. Alexander I fired the main henchmen of his father: Obolyaninov, Kutaisov, Ertel. All officials and officers expelled without trial (from 12 to 15 thousand) were returned to the service. The Secret Expedition (founded, however, not by Paul, but also by Catherine II) was destroyed and it was announced that any criminal should be punished not arbitrarily, but "by the power of laws." Alexander I canceled the ban on the import of foreign books, again allowed private printing houses, restored the free passage of Russian subjects abroad and the liberation of nobles and members of the clergy from corporal punishment. With two manifestos of April 2, 1801, Alexander restored the Letters of Catherine's Grant to the nobility and cities, which had been abolished by Paul. The freer customs tariff of 1797 was also restored, which Paul, shortly before his death, replaced with another, protectionist, unprofitable for England and Prussia. As the first hint of the government's desire to alleviate the plight of the serfs, the Academy of Sciences, which issued statements and public announcements, was prohibited from accepting announcements of the sale of peasants without land.
Having ascended the throne, Alexander I did not abandon his inclination towards liberal principles. At first, he, moreover, was still fragile on the throne and was strongly dependent on the oligarchy of prominent nobles, who killed Paul. In this regard, projects of reform of higher institutions appeared, which did not change under Catherine II. Outwardly following liberal principles, these projects actually tended to strengthen the political significance not of the entire people, but of the higher bureaucracy - in about the same way as during the "trick" of the Supreme Privy Council under Anna Ioannovna. On March 30, 1801, according to the project of the same Troshchinsky, Alexander I established an "Indispensable Council" of 12 dignitaries, with the aim of serving as an advisory institution under the sovereign on all important matters. This is formally only deliberative body did not externally restrict monarchical power, but its members, making "Indispensable" (that is, life-long, without the king's right to replace them at will), in fact, received a special, exclusive position in the power system. All important state affairs and draft regulations were subject to consideration by the Indispensable Council.
On June 5, 1801, Alexander issued decrees addressed to another higher institution, the Senate. In them, the senators were instructed by ourselves submit a report on their rights and obligations for the approval of these in the form of a state law... By another decree of the same June 5, Alexander I established Count Zavadovsky's commission "on drafting laws." Its purpose, however, was not to develop new legislation, but to clarify and harmonize existing laws with the publication of their Code later. Alexander I openly admitted that since the last Russian Code - 1649 - many conflicting laws had been issued.
All these decrees made a great impression on the society, but the young tsar thought to go further. On April 24, 1801, Alexander I talked with P. Stroganov about the need for indigenous state transformation. In May 1801, Stroganov proposed to Alexander I to establish a special unspoken committee to discuss the transformation plan. Alexander approved this idea and appointed Stroganov, Novosiltsev, Czartorysky and Kochubei to the committee. The work of the committee began on June 24, 1801, after the arrival of the last three from abroad. The mentor of the youth of Alexander I, the Swiss Jacobin Laharpe, was also summoned to Russia.
Perceptive and who knew England better than Russia, gr. V. P. Kochubei, smart, learned and capable N. N. Novosiltsev, a fan of the English order, Prince. A. Czartoryski, Pole by sympathy, and gr. PA Stroganov, who received an exclusively French education, became Alexander I's closest assistants for several years. None of them had state experience. The "secret committee" decided "first of all to find out the real state of affairs" (!), Then to reform the administration and, finally, "to introduce a constitution corresponding to the spirit of the Russian people." However, Alexander I himself at that time most of all dreamed not so much about serious transformations as about publishing some loud demonstrative declaration, like the famous Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen.
Alexander I instructed Novosiltsev to collect information about the state of affairs in Russia, and the committee did not expect the results of this collection for a long time. They were also delayed by the fact that the committee met in secret and avoided giving an official order to officials to submit the necessary data. For the first time, the Secret Committee began to use scraps of random information.
Discussion of the international position of Russia revealed the complete unpreparedness of Alexander in matters of foreign policy. Having just signed a friendly treaty with England, he now startled the committee members with the opinion that a coalition should be formed against the British. Czartoryski and Kochubey insisted that England is a natural friend of Russia, since all the interests of Russian foreign trade are connected with it. Almost all of the Russian export went to England at that time. Friends advised Alexander I to adhere to peacefulness, but at the same time carefully limit the ambition of the enemy of the British, France. These recommendations prompted Alexander to devote himself to a detailed study of foreign policy.
Alexander I wanted to start internal reforms with the publication of a written "declaration of rights" and the transformation of the Senate into a body that would support these rights. The court oligarchy liked the idea of such a body. The last Catherine's favorite, Platon Zubov, proposed turning the Senate into an independent legislative body, formed from senior officials and representatives of the high nobility. Derzhavin proposed that the Senate be composed of persons elected among officials of the first four classes. However, the Tacit Committee rejected these projects as having nothing to do with folk representation.
A.R. Vorontsov proposed, simultaneously with the coronation of Alexander I, to issue a "letter of gratitude to the people", following the model of Catherine's letters of gratitude to cities and nobility, but with the extension of guarantees of freedom of citizens to the whole people, which would largely repeat English Habeas corpus act. Vorontsov and the famous Admiral Mordvinov ("a liberal, but with the views of the English Tory") also advised to deprive the nobles of the monopoly of ownership of real estate and extend the right to possess them to merchants, petty bourgeois and state peasants. But the unspoken committee of Alexander I decided that "given the state of the country" such a letter was untimely. This vividly illustrated the caution of Alexander's young friends, whom their enemies called the Jacobin gang. The "old bureaucrat" Vorontsov turned out to be more liberal than them.
"Liberal" Mordvinov believed that the best way to limit autocratic power would be to create an independent aristocracy in Russia. For this, in his opinion, it was necessary to sell or distribute to the nobility a significant part of the state lands. The emancipation of the peasants, in his opinion, could be accomplished only at the request of the nobility, and not by "tsarist arbitrariness." Mordvinov strove to create an economic system in which the nobility would recognize the bonded labor of serfs as unprofitable and would themselves renounce it. He offered to give the right to own real estate to commoners, hoping that they would create farms with hired labor, which would become more efficient than serf economy and would induce landowners to abolish serfdom.
Zubov walked on. In an effort to restore the old, more preferential for the people and historically correct legal view of the fortress of the peasants land, and not the face of the landowner, he proposed to prohibit the sale of serfs without land. (Alexander really forbade the Academy of Sciences to accept announcements of such a sale). Zubov also advised that Alexander I forbid landowners to own courtyards - people whom the nobility arbitrarily torn away from their land plots and turned into personal domestic servants. However, Novosiltsev in the Secret Committee categorically opposed this, considering it necessary "not to rush" with measures against serfdom, so as not to "irritate the landlords." The Jacobin Laharpe was also extremely indecisive, advising "first of all to spread enlightenment in Russia." Czartoryski, on the other hand, insisted that serfdom was such a filth that one should not fear anything in the fight against it. Kochubey pointed out to Alexander I that according to the Mordvin project state peasants will receive an important right to own real estate, and landlord the peasants will be left out. Stroganov urged not to be afraid of the nobility, which is politically weak and unable to defend itself during the reign of Paul. But the peasant hopes, in his opinion, it was dangerous not to justify.
However, these convictions did not shake either Alexander I or Novosiltsev. Zubov's project was not accepted. But Alexander approved of Mordvinov's idea to give non-nobles the right to buy uninhabited land. By decree of December 12. 1801 merchants, bourgeoisie and state peasants were given the right to acquire land real estate. On the other hand, in 1802 the landowners were allowed to conduct foreign wholesale trade with the payment of guild duties. (Later, in 1812, the peasants were allowed to trade on their own behalf, with the payment of the required duties.) However, Alexander I decided to abolish serfdom only slowly and gradually, and the Committee did not outline any practical ways for this.
The Committee hardly touched upon the development of trade, industry and agriculture. But he took up the issue of transforming the central governing bodies, which was extremely necessary, because Catherine II, having reorganized local institutions and abolishing almost all colleges, did not have time to transform the central bodies. This created a lot of confusion in business, which is partly why the government of Alexander I did not have accurate information about the state of the country. On February 10, 1802, Czartoryski presented a report to Alexander I, where he pointed out the need for a strict division of the competence of the supreme governing bodies, supervision, courts and legislation. He advised to clearly distinguish between the competences of the Permanent Council and the Senate. The Senate, according to Czartoryski, was to be in charge of only controversial cases, administrative and judicial, and the Indispensable Council should be transformed into a deliberative institution to consider important cases and draft laws. Czartoryski suggested that Alexander I put a sole minister at the head of each of the individual departments of the higher administration, because in the colleges created by Peter I, no one has personal responsibility for anything. Thus, it was Czartoryski who initiated one of the most important reforms of Alexander I - the establishment of ministries.
The committee unanimously approved the idea of creating ministries. By the Manifesto of September 8, 1802, ministries were established: foreign, military and naval, corresponding to the collegia remaining at that time, and completely new ministries: internal affairs, finance, public education and justice. On the initiative of Alexander I, the Ministry of Commerce was added to them. In the Petrine collegiums, cases were decided by a majority vote of their members. The ministries were based on the principle of one-man command of their head, who was responsible to the tsar for the work of his department. This was the main difference between ministries and collegia. To unite the activities of the ministries, all ministers had to, meeting in general meetings, make up a "committee of ministers", in which the sovereign himself was often present. All ministers were present in the Senate. In some ministries, members of the Secret Committee took the posts of ministers or deputy ministers (for example, Count Kochubei became Minister of Internal Affairs, and Count Stroganov became his comrade). The establishment of ministries became the only, completely independent and completed work of the Secret Committee of Alexander I.
The same manifesto on September 8, 1802, defined the new role of the Senate. The idea of transforming it into a legislative institution was rejected. The committee and Alexander I decided that the Senate (chaired by the sovereign) would become the body of state supervision over the administration and the highest court. The Senate was allowed to inform the sovereign about laws that are very inconvenient to enforce, or disagree with others - but the tsar could ignore these ideas. Ministers were obliged to submit their annual reports to the Senate. The Senate could demand from them any information and explanations. Senators could only be tried by the Senate.
The secret committee only worked for about a year. In May 1802, its meetings actually ceased. It was only at the end of 1803 that it was assembled several more times, but on minor issues. Alexander I, apparently, was convinced that his friends were poorly prepared for practical activities, did not know Russia and were unable to carry out radical transformations. Alexander gradually lost interest in the committee, began to collect it less often, and then it ceased to exist altogether. Although the Conservatives considered the Committee of Young Friends of Alexander I a "Jacobin gang", it can be accused rather of timidity and inconsistency. Both main issues - serfdom and the limitation of autocracy - were nullified by the Committee. However, classes in it gave Alexander I important new knowledge on domestic and foreign policy, which was very useful to him.
Alexander I nevertheless took some timid steps designed to show his sympathy for the idea of freeing the peasants. On February 20, 1803, a decree on "free farmers" (1803) was issued, which gave the nobles the right, on certain conditions, to free their serfs with the provision of their own land. The conditions concluded between the landowners and the peasants were approved by the government, after which the peasants entered a special class of free farmers, who were no longer considered either private or state peasants. Alexander I hoped that in this way voluntary the liberation of the peasants by the landowners will gradually bring about the abolition of serfdom. But only a very few nobles took advantage of this method of letting the peasants free. During the entire reign of Alexander I, less than 50 thousand people were enrolled in free farmers. Alexander I also stopped further distribution of populated estates to landowners. The regulations on the peasants of the Livonian province, approved on February 20, 1804, eased their lot.
Along with the administrative and estate reforms, the revision of laws in the commission of Count Zavadovsky, created on June 5, 1801, continued, and a draft code began to be drawn up. This code, according to Alexander I, was supposed to "protect the rights of everyone and everyone", but it remained undeveloped, except for one common part. On the other hand, measures in the field of public education were very important. On September 8, 1802, a commission (then the main board) of schools was established; She worked out a regulation on the structure of educational institutions in Russia, approved on January 24, 1803. According to this regulation, schools were divided into parish, district, provincial or gymnasiums and universities. In St. Petersburg, the Academy of Sciences was restored, new regulations and staff were issued for it, a pedagogical institute was founded in 1804, and universities in Kazan and Kharkov in 1805. In 1805 P. G. Demidov donated significant capital for the device of a higher school in Yaroslavl, gr. Bezborodko did the same for Nezhin, the nobility of the Kharkov province petitioned for the founding of a university in Kharkov and provided funds for this. In addition to general education, technical institutions were founded: a commercial school in Moscow (in 1804), commercial gymnasiums in Odessa and Taganrog (1804); the number of gymnasiums and schools has been increased.
But all this peaceful reformatory activity would soon cease. Alexander I, not accustomed to a stubborn struggle with those practical difficulties and surrounded by inexperienced young advisers, little familiar with Russian reality, soon lost interest in reforms. Meanwhile, European strife increasingly attracted the attention of the tsar, opening up a new field of diplomatic and military activity for him.
Ascending the throne, Alexander I intended to maintain peace and neutrality. He stopped preparations for war with England and renewed friendship with her and with Austria. Relations with France immediately deteriorated, since France was then in an acute enmity with England, which was interrupted for a while by the Peace of Amiens in 1802, but resumed the following year. However, in the early years of Alexander I, no one in Russia thought about a war with the French. War became inevitable only after a series of misunderstandings with Napoleon. Napoleon became consul for life (1802) and then emperor of France (1804) and thus turned the French Republic into a monarchy. His immense ambition worried Alexander I, and his arrogance in European affairs seemed extremely dangerous. Neglecting the protests of the Russian government, Napoleon forcibly ruled in Germany and Italy. The violation of the articles of the secret convention on October 11 (n. Art.) 1801 on the preservation of the inviolability of the possessions of the King of the Two Sicilies, the execution of the Duke of Enghien (March 1804) and the adoption of the imperial title by the first consul led to a break between France and Russia (August 1804). Alexander I became even closer to England, Sweden and Austria. These powers created a new coalition against France ("Third Coalition") and declared war on Napoleon.
But it was very unsuccessful: the shameful defeat of the Austrian troops at Ulm forced the Russian forces sent to the aid of Austria, led by Kutuzov, to retreat from Inna to Moravia. The affairs of Krems, Gollabrunn and Schöngraben were only ominous harbingers of the defeat of Austerlitz (November 20, 1805), under which Emperor Alexander stood at the head of the Russian army.
The results of this defeat were reflected: in the retreat of Russian troops to Radziwill, in the uncertain and then hostile relations of Prussia to Russia and Austria, in the conclusion of the Treaty of Presburg (December 26, 1805) and the Schönbrunn defensive and offensive alliance. Before the defeat of Austerlitz, Prussia's relations with Russia remained extremely uncertain. Although Emperor Alexander managed to persuade the weak Frederick Wilhelm to approve the secret declaration on May 12, 1804 regarding the war against France, on June 1 it was violated by new conditions concluded by the Prussian king with France. The same hesitation is noticeable after Napoleon's victories in Austria. On a personal date, imp. Alexandra and the king in Potsdam signed the Potsdam Convention on October 22. 1805 According to this convention, the king pledged to help restore the conditions of the Luneville peace violated by Napoleon, to accept military mediation between the belligerent powers, and in case of failure of such mediation was to join the Coalition. But the Schönbrunn Peace Treaty (December 15, 1805) and even more the Paris Convention (February 1806), approved by the King of Prussia, showed how little there was to hope for the consistency of Prussian policy. Nevertheless, the declaration and counter-declaration signed on July 12, 1806 in Charlottenburg and on Kamenny Island, revealed a rapprochement between Prussia and Russia, a rapprochement that was secured by the Bartenstein Convention (April 14, 1807).
But already in the second half of 1806 a new war broke out - the Fourth Coalition against France. The campaign began on October 8, was marked by terrible defeats of the Prussian troops at Jena and Auerstedt and would have ended with the complete conquest of Prussia if Russian troops had not come to the aid of the Prussians. Under the command of M. F. Kamensky, who was soon replaced by Bennigsen, these troops put up strong resistance to Napoleon at Pultusk, then were forced to retreat after the battles at Morungen, Bergfried, Landsberg. Although the Russians also retreated after the bloody battle at Preussisch-Eylau, Napoleon's losses were so significant that he unsuccessfully sought an opportunity to enter into peace negotiations with Bennigsen and straightened his affairs only with a victory at Friedland (June 14, 1807). Emperor Alexander did not take part in this campaign, perhaps because he was still under the impression of the Austerlitz defeat and only 2 April. 1807 came to Memel to meet with the king of Prussia, deprived of almost all his possessions.
The failure at Friedland forced him to agree to peace. The whole party at the court of the sovereign and the army wanted peace; moreover, the ambiguous behavior of Austria and the emperor's dissatisfaction with England prompted; finally, Napoleon himself needed the same peace. On June 25, a meeting took place between the emperor Alexander and Napoleon, who managed to charm the sovereign with his intelligence and insinuating appeal, and on the 27th of the same month the Tilsit treatise was concluded. According to this treatise, Russia acquired the Belostok region; Emperor Alexander ceded to Napoleon Cattaro and the republic of 7 islands, and the principality of Ievres - to Louis of Holland, recognized Napoleon as emperor, Joseph of Naples - as king of the Two Sicilies, and also agreed to recognize the titles of the rest of Napoleon's brothers, the present and future titles of members of the Rhine Union. Emperor Alexander took over mediation between France and England and, in turn, agreed to mediate Napoleon between Russia and the Porte. Finally, in the same world "out of respect for Russia" the Prussian king was returned to his possessions. - The Tilsit treatise was confirmed by the Erfurt Convention (September 30, 1808), and Napoleon then agreed to the annexation of Moldavia and Wallachia to Russia.
When meeting in Tilsit, Napoleon, wishing to divert the Russian forces, pointed out to the Emperor Alexander to Finland and even earlier (in 1806) armed Turkey against Russia. The reason for the war with Sweden was Gustav IV's dissatisfaction with the Peace of Tilsit and his unwillingness to enter armed neutrality, restored due to the breakup of Russia with England (October 25, 1807). War was declared on March 16, 1808. Russian troops, commanded by gr. Buksgevden, then c. Kamensky, occupied Sveaborg (April 22), won victories at Alovo, Kuortan and especially at Orovais, then in the winter of 1809 they crossed the ice from Abo to the Aland Islands under the command of Prince. Bagration, from Vaza to Umeå and through Torneo to Westrabotnia under the leadership of Barclay de Tolly and c. Shuvalov. The successes of the Russian troops and the change of government in Sweden contributed to the conclusion of the Peace of Friedrichsgam (5 September 1809) with the new king, Charles XIII. In this world, Russia acquired Finland before the river. Torneo with the Aland Islands. Emperor Alexander himself visited Finland, opened the Diet and "preserved the faith, fundamental laws, rights and advantages, which until then had been enjoyed by every estate in particular and by all the inhabitants of Finland in general according to their constitutions." A committee has been set up in St. Petersburg and a state secretary for Finnish affairs has been appointed; in Finland itself, executive power was vested in the Governor-General, and legislative power in the Governing Council, which later received the name of the Finnish Senate.
The war with Turkey was less successful. The occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia by Russian troops in 1806 led to this war; but before the Peace of Tilsit, hostile actions were limited to Michelson's attempts to occupy Zhurzha, Ishmael and some friends. fortress, as well as the successful actions of the Russian fleet under the command of Senyavin against the Turkish fleet, which suffered a severe defeat at Fr. Lemnos. Peace of Tilsit ended the war for a time; but it was resumed after the Erfurt rendezvous in view of Porte's refusal to cede Moldavia and Wallachia. Failures of the book. Prozorovsky was soon corrected by the brilliant victory of gr. Kamensky at Batyn (near Ruschuk) and the defeat of the Turkish army at Slobodz on the left bank of the Danube, under the command of Kutuzov, who was appointed to the place of the deceased gr. Kamensky. The successes of Russian weapons forced the Sultan to peace, but the peace negotiations dragged on for a very long time, and the sovereign, dissatisfied with the slowness of Kutuzov, had already appointed Admiral Chichagov commander-in-chief when he learned about the conclusion of the Bucharest Peace (May 16, 1812). In this world, Russia acquired Bessarabia with the fortresses of Khotin, Bendery, Akkerman, Kiliya, Izmail to the Prut River, and Serbia - internal autonomy. - Along with the wars in Finland and on the Danube, Russian weapons had to fight in the Caucasus as well. After the unsuccessful management of Georgia, General. Knorring was appointed the chief governor of Georgia. Tsitsianov. He conquered the Jaro-Belokan region and Ganja, which he renamed Elisavetopol, but was treacherously killed during the siege of Baku (1806). - When managing gr. Gudovich and Tormasov, Mingrelia, Abkhazia and Imereti were annexed, and the exploits of Kotlyarevsky (the defeat of Abbas-Mirza, the capture of Lankaran and the conquest of the Talshin Khanate) contributed to the conclusion of the Peace of Gulistan (October 12, 1813), the conditions of which changed after some acquisitions made by Mr. ... Ermolov, commander-in-chief of Georgia since 1816.
All these wars, although they ended in rather important territorial gains, had a harmful effect on the state of the national and state economy. In 1801-1804. state revenues were collected about 100 million. annually, there were up to 260 m of banknotes in circulation, the external debt did not exceed 47.25 mil. silver rubles, the deficit was insignificant. Meanwhile, in 1810, incomes decreased by half, and then by 4 times. Notes were issued in the amount of 577 m. Rubles, the external debt increased to 100 m. Rubles, and there was a deficit of 66 m. Rubles. Consequently, the value of the ruble has fallen sharply. In 1801-1804. the silver ruble accounted for 1.25 and 1.2 banknotes, and on April 9, 1812, it was supposed to count 1 p. silver equal to 3 p. assignment The bold hand of a former student of the St. Petersburg Alexander Seminary brought the state economy out of such a difficult situation. Thanks to the activities of Speransky (especially the manifestos of February 2, 1810, January 29 and February 11, 1812), the issuance of banknotes was stopped, the poll salary and quitrent tax were raised, a new progressive income tax, new indirect taxes and duties were established. The monetary system was also transformed by the manifesto of June 20, 1810. The results of the transformations were already partly reflected in 1811, when income of 355.5 million rubles (= 89 million silver rubles) arrived, expenses extended only up to 272 m., Arrears were registered 43 m., And 61 m long.
This financial crisis was triggered by hard wars. But these wars after the Peace of Tilsit no longer absorbed all the attention of Alexander I. The unsuccessful wars of 1805-1807. instilled in him a distrust of his own military abilities, and he again turned to internal transformations. Around Alexander then a young and brilliant employee Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky appeared as a new confidant. This was the son of a village priest. After graduating from the St. Petersburg "main seminary" (theological academy), Speransky was retained as a teacher and at the same time was a secretary to Prince A. Kurakin. With the help of Kurakin, Speransky got into the service of the Senate Chancellery. Talented and educated, he attracted attention for his abilities and hard work. After the formation of the ministries (1802), the new Minister of Internal Affairs, Count Kochubey, appointed Speransky as one of his closest assistants. Soon he became personally known to Alexander I, became very close to him and soon became, as it were, the first tsarist minister.
Alexander I instructed Speransky to work out a general plan of state transformation, which the Secret Cabinet did not succeed in. Speransky, in addition, was placed at the head of the commission of laws, which worked on drawing up a new code. He was also an adviser to the sovereign on current affairs of administration. With extraordinary zeal, Speransky worked for several years (1808–1812), displaying a subtle mind and broad political knowledge. Well versed in French and English and Western political literature, he had an outstanding theoretical training often lacked by the members of the former Secret Committee. However, with the administrative practice the young and, in fact, inexperienced Speransky was little known. In those years he and Alexander I put too much emphasis on the principles of abstract reason, reconciling them little with Russian reality and the country's historical past. This huge flaw was the main reason for the collapse of most of their joint projects.
Being in great confidence in Alexander I, Speransky concentrated in his hands all the current affairs of management: he was engaged in upset finances, and diplomatic affairs, and the organization of the newly conquered Finland. Speransky reconsidered the details of the central government reform carried out at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I, changed and improved the structure of the ministries. Changes in the distribution of affairs among ministries and in the order of their administration were set forth in a new law on ministries ("general institution of ministries", 1811). The number of ministries was increased to 11 (added: Ministry of Police, Railways, State Control). On the contrary, the Ministry of Commerce was abolished. His affairs were divided between the Ministries of Internal Affairs and Finance. According to Speransky's plans, a decree on August 6, 1809 promulgated new rules for the production of civil service ranks and tests in the sciences for the production of officials in the 8th and 9th grades without university certificates.
At the same time, Speransky drew up a plan for a cardinal state transformation. Instead of the previous estates, a new division of citizens into "nobility", "people of average condition" and "working people" was supposed. Over time, the entire population of the state was supposed to become civilly free, and serfdom abolished - although Speransky worked out this part of the reform least of all and intended to carry it out after the main state transformations. The nobles retained the right of ownership populated lands and freedom from compulsory service. The average fortune was made up of merchants, bourgeois, settlers who had not inhabited peasants of the land. The working people consisted of peasants, artisans and servants. It was supposed to divide the country anew into provinces, districts and volosts and create a new state system based on elective representatives of the people... The head of the state was supposed to be the monarch and his "state council". Three types of institutions should operate under their leadership: legislative, executive and judicial.
For the election of legislative bodies, the landowners of each volost had to make up a “volost duma” every three years. The deputies from the district councils of the district would constitute the “district council”. and the deputies of the district councils of the province - the “provincial council”. From the deputies from all the provincial dumas, an all-Russian legislative institution would be formed - the "State Duma", which was supposed to convene annually in September to discuss laws.
The executive power was to be led by ministries and subordinate "provincial governments" with governors at their head. In the order of the court, it was assumed that the Senate would become the "supreme court" for the entire empire, and the volost, district and provincial courts would operate under its leadership.
Speransky saw the general meaning of the transformation "in the fact that the government, hitherto autocratic, should be decreed and established on the basis of an indispensable law." Alexander I approved Speransky's project, whose spirit coincided with his own liberal views, and intended to begin its implementation in 1810. By the Manifesto of January 1, 1810, the former Indispensable Council was transformed into the State Council with legislative significance. All laws, statutes and institutions were to be submitted for its consideration, although the decisions of the State Council received force only after their approval by the sovereign. The State Council was subdivided into four departments: 1) laws, 2) military affairs, 3) civil and spiritual affairs, 4) state economy. Speransky was appointed secretary of state under this new council. But the matter did not go further. The reform met with strong resistance at the top of the government, and Alexander I saw fit to postpone it. The deterioration of the international situation was also strongly inclined towards this - a new war with Napoleon was clearly brewing. As a result, Speransky's project on the establishment of a people's representation remained only a draft.
Along with work on a plan for a general transformation, Speransky directed the actions of the "commission of laws." In the early years of Alexander I, rather modest tasks were set before this commission, but now it was instructed to draw up a new legislative body of existing laws, supplementing and improving them from the general principles of jurisprudence. Under the influence of Speransky, the commission made large borrowings from French laws (Napoleon's Code). The draft of the new Russian civil code developed by her was submitted to the new State Council, but was not approved there. Members of the State Council, not without reason, considered Speransky's civil legislation too hasty and non-national, little connected with Russian conditions. It remained unpublished.
Speransky's activities and his rapid rise aroused displeasure in many. Some envied Speransky's personal successes, others saw in him a blind admirer of French ideas and order and a supporter of an alliance with Napoleon. These people, out of patriotic feelings, armed themselves against the direction of Speransky. One of the most famous literary men of that time, the European educated N. M. Karamzin, compiled for Alexander I a note "on ancient and new Russia", which proved the harm and danger of Speransky's measures. These measures, according to Karamzin, thoughtlessly destroyed the old order and just as thoughtlessly introduced French forms into Russian life. Although Speransky denied his loyalty to France and Napoleon, in the eyes of the whole society his closeness to French influences was undeniable. When Napoleon's invasion of Russia was expected, Alexander I did not consider it possible to leave Speransky near him. Speransky was dismissed from his post as Secretary of State; on some dark accusations, the sovereign sent him into exile (to Nizhny Novgorod, and then to Perm), from where the reformer returned only at the end of Alexander's reign.
Thus, the plan for a broad state transformation, developed jointly by Alexander I and Speransky, was not implemented. The unspoken committee of the first years of Alexander I showed poor preparation. Speransky, on the contrary, was in theory very strong but lacking practical skills, coupled with a lack of determination on the part of the king himself, stopped all undertakings halfway. Speransky only succeeded in giving the central institutions of Russia a finished look, for a long time restoring the centralization of government lost under Catherine II and strengthening the bureaucratic order.
Along with the reform of the central government, reforms continued in the field of spiritual education. The church's candle revenues, determined for the expenses for the construction of theological schools (1807), made it possible to increase their number. In 1809 the theological academy was opened in St. Petersburg and in 1814 - in the Sergievskaya Lavra; in 1810 a corps of railway engineers was established, in 1811 the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was founded, and in 1814 the Public Library was opened.
But the second period of transformative activity was also disrupted by the new war. Soon after the Erfurt Convention, disagreements between Russia and France were revealed. By virtue of this convention, Emperor Alexander sent the 30,000th detachment of the allied army in Galicia during the Austrian war of 1809. But this detachment, which was under the command of Prince. S. F. Golitsyn, acted indecisively, since Napoleon's obvious desire to restore or at least significantly strengthen Poland and his refusal to approve the convention on 23 December. 1809, which protected Russia from such a strengthening, aroused strong fears on the part of the Russian government. The emergence of disagreement intensified under the influence of new circumstances. The tariff for 1811, issued on December 19, 1810, aroused Napoleon's displeasure. Even the agreement of 1801 restored peaceful trade relations with France, and in 1802 the trade agreement concluded in 1786 was extended for 6 years.But already in 1804 it was forbidden to bring any paper tissue along the western border, and in 1805 increased duties on some silk and woolen products in order to encourage local, Russian production. The government was guided by the same goals and in 1810 the new tariff increased the duties on wine, wood, cocoa, coffee and granulated sugar; foreign paper (except for white ones under branding), linen, silk, woolen and the like are prohibited; Russian goods, flax, hemp, bacon, linseed, sailing and flam textiles, potash and resin are imposed with a higher holiday duty. On the contrary, the import of raw foreign products and duty-free export of iron from Russian factories are allowed. The new tariff harmed French trade and infuriated Napoleon, who demanded that Emperor Alexander accept the French tariff and not accept not only English, but also neutral (American) ships in Russian harbors. Soon after the publication of the new tariff, the Duke of Oldenburg, the uncle of the Emperor Alexander, was deprived of his possessions, and the sovereign's protest, which was circularly expressed in this regard on March 12, 1811, remained without consequences. After these clashes, war was inevitable. Scharngorst already in 1810 assured that Napoleon had a plan for a war against Russia. In 1811 Prussia entered into an alliance with France, then Austria.
In the summer of 1812 Napoleon moved with the allied troops through Prussia and on June 11 crossed the Neman between Kovno and Grodno, with a 600,000-strong army. Emperor Alexander had at his disposal a military force three times less; at their head were: Barclay de Tolly and Prince. Bagration in the Vilna and Grodno provinces. But behind this relatively small army stood the entire Russian people, not to mention individuals and the nobility of entire provinces, all of Russia voluntarily put up up to 320,000 warriors and donated at least a hundred million rubles. After the first clashes of Barclay near Vitebsk and Bagration near Mogilev with French troops, as well as Napoleon's unsuccessful attempt to enter the rear of the Russian troops and occupy Smolensk, Barclay began to retreat along the Dorogobuzh road. Raevsky, and then Dokhturov (with Konovnitsyn and Neverovsky) managed to repulse two attacks of Napoleon on Smolensk; but after the second attack, Dokhturov had to leave Smolensk and join the retreating army. Despite the retreat, Emperor Alexander left without consequences Napoleon's attempt to start peace negotiations, but was forced to replace the unpopular among Barclay's troops - Kutuzov. The latter arrived at the main apartment in Tsarevo Zaymishche on August 17, and on the 26th gave the battle at Borodino. The outcome of the battle remained unresolved, but the Russian troops continued to retreat to Moscow, whose population was strongly agitated against the French, among other things, the posters of gr. Rostopchina. The military council in Fili on the evening of September 1 decided to leave Moscow, which was occupied by Napoleon on September 3, but soon (October 7) was abandoned due to a lack of supplies, severe fires and the decline of military discipline. Meanwhile, Kutuzov (probably on the advice of Tolya) turned from the Ryazan road, along which he was retreating, to Kaluga and gave battle to Napoleon at Tarutin and Maloyaroslavets. Cold, hunger, unrest in the army, a quick retreat, successful actions of the partisans (Davydov, Figner, Seslavin, Samus), the victories of Miloradovich at Vyazma, Ataman Platov at Vopi, Kutuzov at Krasnoye led the French army into complete disorder, and after the disastrous crossing of the Berezina forced Napoleon, before reaching Vilna, to flee to Paris. On December 25, 1812, a manifesto was issued on the final expulsion of the French from Russia.
The Patriotic War was over; she made strong changes in the emotional life of Emperor Alexander. In a difficult time of national calamities and mental anxiety, he began to look for support in religious feelings and in this regard found support in the state. sec. Shishkov, who now occupied a place that was empty after the removal of Speransky even before the start of the war. The successful outcome of this war further developed in the sovereign faith in the inscrutable ways of Divine Providence and the conviction that the Russian tsar had a difficult political task: to establish peace in Europe on the basis of justice, the sources of which the religiously-minded soul of Emperor Alexander began to seek in the Gospel teachings. ... Kutuzov, Shishkov, partly gr. Rumyantsev were against the continuation of the war abroad. But Emperor Alexander, supported by Stein, was determined to continue military operations.
On January 1, 1813, Russian troops crossed the border of the empire and found themselves in Prussia. Already on December 18, 1812, York, the head of the Prussian detachment sent to help the French troops, entered into an agreement with Diebitsch on the neutrality of the German troops, although, however, did not have permission from the Prussian government. The Kalisz treaty (February 15-16, 1813) concluded a defensive-offensive alliance with Prussia, confirmed by the Teplitsky treatise (August 1813). Meanwhile, the Russian troops under the command of Wittgenstein, together with the Prussians, were defeated in the battles of Lutzen and Bautzen (April 20 and May 9). After the armistice and the so-called Prague conferences, which resulted in Austria joining an alliance against Napoleon under the Reichenbach Convention (June 15, 1813), hostilities resumed. After a successful battle for Napoleon at Dresden and unsuccessful ones at Culm, Brienne, Laon, Arsis-sur-Aub and Fer Champenoise, Paris surrendered on March 18, 1814, the Peace of Paris was concluded (May 18) and Napoleon was overthrown. Soon thereafter, on May 26, 1815, the Congress of Vienna opened mainly to discuss Polish, Saxon and Greek issues. Emperor Alexander was with the army during the entire campaign and insisted on the occupation of Paris by the allied forces. According to the main act of the Congress of Vienna (June 28, 1816), Russia acquired a part of the Duchy of Warsaw, except for the Grand Duchy of Poznan, given to Prussia, and a part ceded to Austria, and in the Polish possessions annexed to Russia, the constitution was introduced by Emperor Alexander, drawn up in liberal spirit. Peace talks at the Congress of Vienna were interrupted by Napoleon's attempt to regain control of the French throne. Russian troops again moved from Poland to the banks of the Rhine, and Emperor Alexander left Vienna for Heidelberg. But the hundred-day reign of Napoleon ended with his defeat at Waterloo and the restoration of a legitimate dynasty in the person of Louis XVIII under the difficult conditions of the Second Paris Peace (November 8, 1815). Wishing to establish peaceful international relations between the Christian sovereigns of Europe on the basis of brotherly love and the Gospel commandments, Emperor Alexander drew up an act of the Holy Alliance, signed by himself, the King of Prussia and the Austrian emperor. International relations were maintained by the congresses in Aachen (1818), where it was decided to withdraw the Allied troops from France, to Troppau (1820) over the riots in Spain, Laibach (1821) - in view of the indignation in Savoy and the Neapolitan revolution and, finally, in Verona (1822) - to pacify the indignation in Spain and discuss the Eastern question.
A direct result of the hard wars of 1812-1814. there was a deterioration in the state economy. By January 1, 1814, there were only 587½ million rubles in the parish; domestic debts reached 700 million rubles, the Dutch debt extended to 101½ million guilders (= 54 million rubles), and the silver ruble in 1815 went for 4 rubles. 15 k. Alloc. How long these effects lasted, the state of Russian finance reveals ten years later. In 1825, state revenues were only 529½ million rubles, notes issued for 595 1/3 million. rubles, which together with the Dutch and some other debts amounted to 350½ million rubles. ser. It is true that more significant gains are being seen in trade. In 1814, the import of goods did not exceed 113½ million rubles, and the export - 196 million appropriations; in 1825 the import of goods reached 185½ mil. rub., the export extended to the amount of 236½ mil. rub. But the wars of 1812-1814. had another series of consequences. The restoration of free political and commercial relations between the European powers also led to the publication of several new tariffs. In the tariff of 1816, some changes were made in comparison with the tariff of 1810, the tariff of 1819 greatly reduced the prohibitive duties on some of the foreign goods, but already in the orders of 1820 and 1821. and the new tariff of 1822 marked a return to the previous protective system. With the fall of Napoleon, the established relationship of political forces in Europe collapsed. Emperor Alexander assumed a new definition of their relationship.
This task also distracted the sovereign's attention from the internal transformative activities of previous years, especially since at that time there were no former admirers of English constitutionalism at the throne, and the brilliant theoretician and adherent of French institutions, Speransky, was eventually replaced by a stern formalist, the chairman of the military department of the State Council and the chief commander of military settlements, Count Arakcheev, poorly gifted by nature.
However, in the government orders of the last decade of the reign of Emperor Alexander, traces of former transformative ideas are sometimes still noticeable. On May 28, 1816, the project of the Estonian nobility for the final emancipation of the peasants was approved. The Courland nobility followed the example of the Estland nobles at the invitation of the government itself, which approved the same project for the Courland peasants on August 25, 1817 and for the Livonian peasants on March 26, 1819.
Together with the estate orders, several changes were made in the central and regional administration. By a decree on September 4, 1819, the Ministry of Police was annexed to the Ministry of the Interior, from which the Department of Manufactures and Internal Trade was transferred to the Ministry of Finance. In May 1824 the affairs of the Holy Synod were separated from the Ministry of Public Education, where they were transferred according to the manifesto of October 24, 1817, and where only the affairs of foreign confessions remained. Even earlier, by the manifesto on May 7, 1817, a council of credit institutions was established, both for auditing and verifying all operations, and for considering and concluding all assumptions on the credit part. By the same time (the manifesto of April 2, 1817) the replacement of the ransom system by the state sale of wine belongs to; management of drinking fees is concentrated in the state chambers. Regarding the regional administration, an attempt was also made shortly thereafter to distribute the Great Russian provinces into general governorships.
Government activities also continued to take their toll on public education concerns. At the St. Petersburg Pedagogical Institute in 1819 public courses were organized, which laid the foundation for the St. Petersburg University. In 1820 p. an engineering school was reorganized and an artillery school was founded; the Richelieu Lyceum was founded in Odessa in 1816. The schools of mutual learning according to the method of Bel and Lancaster began to spread. In 1813, the Bible Society was founded, to which the emperor soon gave a significant financial allowance. In 1814 the Imperial Public Library was opened in St. Petersburg. Individuals followed the lead of the government. Gr. Rumyantsev constantly donated money for the printing of sources (for example, for the publication of Russian chronicles - 25,000 rubles) and scientific research. At the same time, journalistic and literary activities developed greatly. Already in 1803, under the Ministry of Public Education "a periodical essay on the success of public education" was published, and under the Ministry of Internal Affairs - "St. Petersburg Journal" (since 1804). But these official publications did not have the same significance as they received: "Vestnik Evropy" (from 1802) by M. Kachenovsky and N. Karamzin, "Son of the Fatherland" by N. Grech (from 1813), "Otechestvennye zapiski" Svinin (since 1818), "Siberian Bulletin" by G. Spassky (1818-1825), "Northern Archive" by F. Bulgarin (1822-1838), which later merged with the "Son of the Fatherland". The publications of the Moscow Society of History and Antiquities, founded back in 1804 ("Proceedings" and "Chronicles", as well as "Russian Memories" - since 1815) were distinguished by their scholarly character. At the same time V. Zhukovsky, I. Dmitriev and I. Krylov, V. Ozerov and A. Griboyedov acted, the sad sounds of Batyushkov's lyre were heard, the mighty voice of Pushkin was already heard, and Baratynsky's poems began to be printed. Meanwhile, Karamzin published his "History of the Russian State", and A. Schletser, N. Bantysh-Kamensky, K. Kalaydovich, A. Vostokov, Evgeny Bolkhovitinov (Metropolitan of Kiev), M. Kachenovsky, G. Evers. Unfortunately, this mental movement was subjected to repressive measures, partly under the influence of the riots that took place abroad and responded to an insignificant extent in the Russian troops, partly due to the increasingly religiously conservative trend that the sovereign's own way of thinking took. On August 1, 1822, all secret societies were banned, in 1823 it was not allowed to send young people to some of the German universities. In May 1824, the management of the Ministry of Public Education was entrusted to the famous adherent of Old Russian literary legends, Admiral AS Shishkov; from the same time the Bible Society ceased to gather and censorship conditions were significantly constrained.
The last years of his life, Emperor Alexander spent most of his time traveling to the most remote corners of Russia, or almost in complete seclusion in Tsarskoe Selo. At this time, the Greek question was the main subject of his concern. The uprising of the Greeks against the Turks, provoked in 1821 by Alexander Ypsilanti, who was in the Russian service, and the indignation in Morey and on the islands of the Archipelago, provoked a protest from the Emperor Alexander. But the sultan did not believe the sincerity of such a protest, and the Turks in Constantinople killed many Christians. Then the Russian ambassador, bar. Stroganov, left Constantinople. The war was inevitable, but, arrested by European diplomats, broke out only after the death of the sovereign. Emperor Alexander died on November 19, 1825 in Taganrog, where he accompanied his wife, Empress Elizaveta Alekseevna, to improve her health.
In the attitude of the Emperor Alexander to the Greek question, the peculiarities of that third stage of development, which the political system created by him experienced in the last decade of his reign, was quite clearly manifested. This system originally arose on the basis of abstract liberalism; the latter was replaced by political altruism, which in turn was transformed into religious conservatism.
M. Bogdanovich. History of Emperor Alexander I, VI volume. St. Petersburg., 1869-1871
S. Soloviev. Emperor Alexander the First. Politics, diplomacy. SPb., 1877
A. Hadler. Emperor Alexander the First and the idea of the Sacred Union. Riga, IV volume, 1865-1868
H. Putyata, Review of the life and reign of imp. Alexander I (in the Historical collection. 1872, No. 1)
Schilder. Russia in its relations with Europe during the reign of Emperor Alexander I, 1806-1815
A. Pypin. Social movement under Alexander I. SPb., 1871
Emperor Alexander the First Pavlovich the Blessed
(1777-1825)
Reign: 1801-1825
On December 12, 1777, the first son was born in the family of the heir to the throne, Pavel Petrovich.
In his honor, a thanksgiving service was served in the court church, and cannons in the Peter and Paul Fortress announced the birth of the first-born to the royal couple by a shot. The name of the baby was given in honor of the saint
Alexander Nevsky. Little Alexander was immediately excommunicated from his parents.
The reigning grandmother, Ekaterina2, considered her son incapable of giving the boy a proper upbringing and placed her grandson in her chambers.
Catherine had high hopes for her grandson. She dreamed that during the reign, Alexander would glorify his name for centuries, like the man after whom he was named. The Empress hated her son and adored her grandson. She also took away her second grandson, the son of Pavel Petrovich,
Constantine.
Since 1785, the boys were assigned as an educator, Adjutant General Saltykov, who was distinguished by his devotion to the empress. Alexander, along with virtues, had such character traits as stubbornness and cunning.
Growing up, he began to understand that the relationship between father and grandmother is the relationship between the empress and the heir to the throne. He felt that he himself was drawn into their struggle from birth.
Catherine all her life believed that her grandson was madly in love with her and catches her every word. Alexander pretended that it was so, but he himself denied everything that was connected with Catherine. Alexander was greatly influenced by the educator Frederic Cesar Laharpe, a Swiss lawyer, a man of high morality and a real humanist. He conveyed to Alexander the essence of the French enlightenment. Constantine, unlike his brother, did not accept these ideas at all.
Alexander idolized the teacher. One of the principles preached by Laharpe was the following: the ruler must be an honest, educated and enlightened person, aware of the responsibility for the fate of millions of his subjects. Laharpe instilled in his pupil that the emperor could not afford to have friends.
Pavel Petrovich forced the grown-up sons to join the military service in Gatchina.
It was in Gatchina that the future emperor met Arakcheev, who later became his main favorite. Arakcheev taught artillery, introduced the grand dukes to the basics of ballistics.
Even during the life of Catherine and Paul, Alexander had the idea of renouncing the future throne. He began to think that he was born to be not a ruler, but an ordinary ordinary citizen. His views on life were completely shared by his wife Elizaveta Alekseevna. They managed to maintain the spiritual closeness that arose between them for many years.
The events leading up to his accession to the throne turned his feelings around. He did not take part in the conspiracy against his father, but silently assisted him. Alexander did not want his father dead. The thought that he himself had become the cause of the death of his father was painful to him.
After becoming emperor, he got up early, worked for a long time on documents, received court ministers.
Alexander traveled a lot, he traveled hundreds of thousands of miles across Russia. He was in the Ukraine, Belarus, the Urals and Siberia. He met with the local authorities, was interested in the living conditions of all strata of society. The impression from the trips was painful, and there were no longer any illusions about possible transformations from the height of the throne.
His reign was marked by the fact that he pardoned many prisoners, dismissed from service again, took their places. The Secret Expedition, which under Paul was engaged in affairs related to treason to the emperor, was destroyed.
In 1801, Alexander allowed the peasants to buy land, and from 1803 the serfs were given the right to buy out entire villages along with the land. This was certainly not enough, but it was these first steps that paved the way for subsequent reforms.
Foreign policy was led by Kochubei, Zubov and Palen, they developed a draft of a new constitution, according to which the emperor followed the decisions of the aristocracy in everything. Alexander politely but firmly rejected attempts to limit imperial power. He had completely different plans.
While Alexander hovered in dreams of rebuilding society, discussing his plans with like-minded people, the ministers and the Senate continued to rule the country as before. It was incredibly difficult to get out of the networks of this routine.
Alexander1 was not ready to carry out drastic reforms in society. He was also frightened by the uncertainty associated with his position during these changes. He was afraid to part with life, like his grandfather and father. He was extremely careful and suspicious. The brothers Zubov and Palen failed to create opposition to the sovereign. Palen was deprived of all posts, the same fate awaited the Zubov brothers.
Petersburg governor instead of Palen, M.I. Kutuzov.
The first assistant to the sovereign was M.M. Speransky. He was instructed to prepare a document with a public education plan for all sectors of society. On the basis of this document, the State Council was created under the emperor.
The state carried out reforms in the education system: new universities, gymnasiums and schools were opened. Karamzin was awarded the title of historiographer and allowed to begin work on the history of the Russian state.
All these transformations took place against the backdrop of military events in Europe.
Alexander, ascending the throne, said that he would not interfere in the affairs of other states. In France at that time, Napoleon Bonaparte persistently strove for power, not hiding his claims on the territory of neighboring countries.
Alexander closely watched the events in France. In 1803, the Camp of Boulogne appeared, from where Napoleon was going to attack the British Isles. After Napoleon became emperor of France, Russia entered into a friendly alliance with England and Prussia. War smelled in Europe.
By 1805, a coalition was formed against Napoleon, which included: Russia, Austria, Prussia and England. Russian troops were on their way to Europe.
The first battle of the Russian-Austrian army on December 2, 1805 near Austerlitz ended in the complete defeat of the allies. Alexander himself narrowly escaped captivity. This brutal lesson helped him understand the gravity of the French threat. From that moment on, the emperor began to regard Napoleon as his personal mortal enemy. The figure of Arakcheev became more noticeable at court. At the conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit, Alexander, talking one-on-one with Napoleon, used his charm and was able to deceive him. By concluding peace, the emperors carried out the division of Europe, but at the same time the conditions were dictated by the winner. Alexander could only dream that the proud tyrant would break his neck on Russian soil.
The second meeting between Alexander and Napoleon took place in Erfurt, where with his characteristic restraint, benevolence, calmness. Alexander managed to get Napoleon's consent to the annexation of Moldavia and Velachia. Finland, as well as the withdrawal of French troops from the Duchy of Warsaw and a significant reduction in contributions from Prussia. The negotiations were very tense.
After the negotiations, Napoleon was denied the hand of the sister of the Russian emperor, Ekaterina Pavlovna. Napoleon also failed to get the hand of Alexander's other sister. The French emperor was furious.
The society was filled with dissatisfaction with the shameful peace of Tilsit and the foreign policy of the emperor. Alexander Pavlovich spoke about his actual attitude to the events that had taken place only with the closest people.
Since 1808, Alexander took up the restructuring of the Russian army. He seriously feared war. Barclay de Tolly and Arakcheev helped him reform the army. The size of the army by 1811 reached 225 thousand people.
In the spring of 1812, Napoleon openly threatened Russia. He sent provocative messages to the emperor to throw him off balance, but Alexander did not respond to provocations. He vowed to no longer make a "shameful peace."
When the Russian troops left Moscow, courtiers were found, persuading the emperor to go to peace negotiations, but the emperor was firm. Neither June nor August 1812 did he respond to Napoleon's requests for peace talks. In confrontation with Napoleon, he behaved like a domineering, far-sighted and strong ruler.
He was shocked by the fire in Moscow and in despair then turned to the Almighty for help. It seemed to Alexander that God had heard his prayer. He did not agree to negotiate with Napoleon. It was December 1812. The alignment of forces was not in favor of the French. After the Battle of Borodino, the army of the conquerors no longer had victories and, retreating across the Russian land devastated by it, looked deplorable. Field Marshal Kutuzov had no intention of pursuing the French outside of Russia, but Alexander thought otherwise. He wanted to free all of Europe from the tyrant.
In a foreign campaign, Alexander was constantly with the army.
Alexander brought the Russian army to Paris. On April 6, 1814, Napoleon signed his abdication and was sent to the island of Elba. Napoleon's final downfall occurred at the Battle of Waterloo. June 18, 1815, after which the tyrant was exiled to the island of St. Helena.
After the fall of Napoleon, the mood of the emperor changed.
The projects for the emancipation of the peasants were not adopted and other constitutional changes, previously approved by the emperor, were not made.
Alexander was struck by the betrayal of the former allies, England and Austria, who tried to deprive Russia of influence in Europe. Russia was ignored, as if there was no victorious march of the Russian army across Europe. Alexander proposed the idea of creating a Sacred Union of all Christian peoples of Europe. He wrote the main provisions of the treaty of alliance and presented it to the rulers of European countries. It was signed by France, Austria, Prussia and Russia.
Alexander believed in the principles of goodness on which the union was based.
The emperor's illusions collapsed. Fear returned to him, he was afraid of the conspirators who might oppose him.
In the role of the emperor, he sometimes showed cruelty, suppressed the uprising of soldiers
Semyonovsky regiment. However, as a person, Alexander was a humanist. He knew that the idea of a regicide was ripening in secret societies. He understood that he was in real danger. Alexander left the conspirators free, but in 1822 banned the existence of Masonic lodges and secret societies in Russia.
He began to move away from the reality that frightened him.
In the fall of 1825, Alexander made a trip to the Crimea and during his trip to the small town of Taganrog fell seriously ill, and a few days later on November 19, 1825 he died.
The sudden death of the emperor amazed everyone. He was a healthy and physically strong man, for his 48 years he did not suffer from anything serious.
After his death, there was an uprising on December 14, 1825, the death of Alexander's wife1-worried the people and gave rise to many rumors and speculations.
The coffin was displayed with the lid closed. Nobody saw the face of the deceased. By order of Nikolai Pavlovich, who took the reins into his own hands, the coffin was opened only at night for relatives and friends
Alexandra.
Rumors that another person was buried instead of the emperor. The people remembered how the emperor said that he wanted to abdicate the throne. He felt guilty for the death of his father. He prepared a manifesto and deposited an envelope with documents in the Moscow Assumption Cathedral. Copies were sent to the State Council, Senate and Synod. On the envelope was the inscription: "Keep until My demand."
And this meant only one - the intention of Alexander to abdicate the throne. Only three people knew about the content of the manifesto: Golitsyn, Arakcheev and Metropolitan Filaret.
The death of the emperor remained a mystery to everyone.
In the 1930s and 1940s, rumors that Alexander was alive again found ground. They came from Siberia, where in 1836 a certain old man appeared
Fyodor Kuzmich, who amazed everyone with his degree, majesty and ability to speak. Everything in him betrayed an educated, well-mannered and pious person.
He was well aware of the war of 1812, talked about the stay of Russian troops in Paris, he helped people, taught children to read and write, but he never mentioned the name of Paul in conversation1 and did not keep up the conversation about
Alexandre1 Pavlovich.
The elder died on January 20, 1864 at the age of 87 in a lonely cell near Tomsk. He was buried in the cemetery of the Tomsk Mother of God-Alekseevsky monastery. His grave became a place of pilgrimage, which was also visited by representatives of the royal family.
The version about Alexander's departure from worldly life has many supporters, but there are also opponents based on the history of the emperor's illness in
Taganrog, certificate of his death, act, autopsy.
Perhaps, over time, new researchers will put an end to this mysterious story and give an answer to numerous questions related to the life and death of Emperor Alexander1. His drama consisted in the fact that he tried to combine a man and a ruler in himself.
Milestones of the board
1801 - decree allowing serfs to buy land.
1803-decree on the redemption of villages along with the land.
1805 - the defeat of the Russian army at Austerlitz.
1808 - the beginning of the reform of the Russian army.
1810-publication of "Introduction to the Code of State Laws".
1811 - the creation of the State Council under the emperor.
1812-Patriotic War.
1821 - the creation of secret societies in Russia.
1822 - the refusal of Konstantin Pavlovich from the throne.
1823-writing of a special manifesto on the transfer of power to Nikolai Pavlovich.
Material used from the book: "Encyclopedia of Kings and Emperors."
And recently, a monument to the emperor appeared in the garden of the same name. In the very heart of Moscow, which during the reign of Alexander was both "burned by fire" and "given to the Frenchman." These events in the minds of a modern Russian person are embedded in the plot about the victory in the Patriotic War of 1812, but then they were perceived as an unheard of defeat, which still did not break the emperor.
For a short time, foreigners ruled in Belokamennaya. The victorious time has come - and the Russian army entered Paris. The emperor was not considered and was not an outstanding commander, but he did not yield to Bonaparte.
Probably, it is high time to emphasize in this way our respect for the monarch, who is one of the architects of modern Europe. The emperor himself did not pursue loud glory; he considered modesty the most advantageous tactic. It is no coincidence that for a long time the only monument to the winner of Napoleon was the Pillar of Alexandria in St. Petersburg, erected during the reign of his stern brother. But there, on the pillar, is a sculpture of an angel with a cross, and not a figure of a sovereign.
The legend of the emperor's departure is also memorable: even some historians of the imperial family believed that Alexander did not die, but left to wander in the form of the humble pilgrim Fyodor Kuzmich. The story of the elder Theodore of Tomsk is a special chapter in the history of Tsar Alexander. Mystic. Legend.
The character of the king, who had been looking for peace for many years, was looking for a way to the Heavenly City, disposed to the appearance of such a legend.
Immediately I remember how Pushkin "branded" him: "The ruler is weak and crafty." And those who are in a hurry to recklessly idealize the winner of Napoleon should remember these lines. Pushkin also formulated the ceremonial version of the emperor's story: "He took Paris, he founded the Lyceum." The army and the Enlightenment are indeed the main directions of the policy of Alexander Pavlovich.
He was considered an outstanding diplomat. They talked about cold hypocrisy, about the indifferent duplicity of the pupil of Catherine the Great. Many were fascinated by his coldness, and many were scared away. That's really who knew how to hide thoughts and intentions, not to mention emotions. This is exactly what he was before he left for the faith. The main task of the diplomat is unchanged - to sell his concessions at a higher price and to buy at a lower price the concessions of his partners.
Alexander did not always identify his policy with the interests of Russia. In his younger years, he completely underestimated the Fatherland: we have never had a second such Westernizer on the throne. The horizons of his ambition stretched wider than his native aspens. He absorbed the idea of Catherine's Greek project. He made plans on a universal scale - and, surprisingly, brought a lot to mind. Here it is enough to say two words: "Sacred Union"!
The clothes were given to us to cover up shame, and the tongue was given to distract our interlocutors from the unsightly truth. The grandson of the great Catherine strictly followed this rule, having received court lessons from childhood. After all, he had to rush between two courtyards. On the one hand, there is the powerful empress, who was tearing him away from his parents, on the other, the Russian Hamlet, the Gatchina exile, Pavel Petrovich. And everywhere he was loved: he skillfully made a favorable impression. Cynicism faded away gradually.
The Russian Empire at that time was not in political isolation. In Europe, since the Elizabethan times, since the time of Bestuzhev, not a single major political enterprise could do without the participation of the northern empire. The Europeans did not recognize Russian culture, they looked down on Orthodoxy - we see traces of these prejudices in Diderot's Encyclopedia. Only two manifestations of Russia were respected: the army and diplomacy.
Pyotr and Kurakin, Bestuzhev and Rumyantsev, Bezborodko and Suvorov "forced themselves to respect." But even in the Alexander years, Denis Davydov started talking about "russophobia" (then this word was written that way). And the duplicity of the allies in the fight against Napoleon exceeded the bounds of tolerance.
The defeated France weakened after the revolutionary wars. England did not have sufficient ground forces. Russia after 1815 under Alexander did not fight in Europe, but the military domination of St. Petersburg was felt. Alexander's allies were worried about this already in 1814. They were not limited to newspaper caricatures of Russian barbarians. The European chancellors moved quickly to secret negotiations. Perhaps Alexander knew about these maneuvers. International espionage in Russia since the time of Potemkin has been excellently developed, agents of St. Petersburg worked in all European capitals.
The powers established a secret anti-Russian military alliance hastily. Alexander did not pay attention to these maneuvers. I did not allow myself to be offended. Why? There may be several explanations. He feared Napoleon more than all the allied monarchs put together. And Talleyrand and Metternich knew the price. Talleyrand - literally. After all, the French diplomat was a paid agent of the Russian tsar for several years ...
He believed in the Sacred Union with unexpected sincerity. He was no longer a young skeptic, but a Christian inclined to mysticism and even to exaltation. “The fire of Moscow lit up my soul” - this legendary confession explains a lot in Alexander's politics.
The fuse, as you know, did not last long: by the 1850s, there were more contradictions than scrap. And the Parisian treatise of 1855 destroyed the world of the Holy Union, excluded Russia (as it turned out, for a while) from the club of the arbiters of the destinies of Europe. And the club itself has lost its meaning.
During the time of Alexander, the Russian Empire finally settled on the banks of the Vistula. And the emperor's generous liberal gifts could neither satisfy the gentry, nor moderate the anxiety of London, Vienna and Paris. But what does he, the winner, care about all this fuss! He knew what the triumph of Agamemnon, Caesar and Augustus was.
The spirit of the emperor soars in the Moscow Alexander Garden, and in the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, which was also called the Alexander Garden. And in Paris. Spring of 1814… The history of Russia did not know such spectacular victories. The Russian emperor rode into Paris on a gray horse that Napoleon once gave him.
Some Parisian shouted: "We have been waiting for the arrival of Your Majesty for a long time!" Alexander replied with a smile: "I would have come to you earlier, but the courage of your troops delayed me." He read Plutarch and knew the value of the catchphrases that embody the hero's strength and generosity. This answer flattered the French, they repeated it with enthusiasm. Alexander in Paris collected a collection of such small victories.
Derzhavin then greeted the tsar with a cheerful soldier's song:
Have fun, blessed king,
Alexander the Blessed!
The Russian land is strong:
She cares about you
She didn’t spare my life:
Give us a cup of wine!
The first fifteen years of his reign ended in epics, in an aura of victory and worldwide influence. And then fatigue rolled over - and the companions stopped recognizing the sovereign. He began to eschew politics with its lies and blood. I was looking for the truth in conversations with monks, in the Gospel. A strong reason for remorse is indirect involvement in the murder of his father. Much reminded him of this atrocity. He prayed, he destroyed the monarch's ambition in himself. So he left.
Considering the era from an academic distance, historians did not elevate it. For example, Sergei Melgunov, known to many for the sensational book The Red Terror in Russia, did not regret the caustic irony when he wrote about Alexander and his time. Soviet historians did not like him either. And then interest arose in "the most mysterious emperor", in the "royal mystic." And now - official recognition in the form of a monument at the walls of the Moscow Kremlin. Happy birthday, emperor! 237 years is no joke.
Name: Alexander I (Alexander Pavlovich Romanov)
Age: 47 years
Activity: Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia
Family status: was married
Emperor Alexander I Pavlovich, sometimes mistakenly referred to as Tsar Alexander I, ascended the throne in 1801 and ruled for almost a quarter of a century. Russia under Alexander I waged successful wars against Turkey, Persia and Sweden, and later became involved in the war of 1812, when Napoleon attacked the country. During the reign of Alexander I, the territory expanded due to the annexation of Eastern Georgia, Finland, Bessarabia and part of Poland. For all the transformations introduced by Alexander I, he was called Alexander the Blessed.
Power today The biography of Alexander I was originally supposed to be outstanding. Not only was he the eldest son of the emperor and his wife Maria Fyodorovna, so the grandmother did not look for the soul in her grandson. It was she who gave the boy a sonorous name in honor and, in the hope that Alexander will create history following the example of the legendary namesakes. It is worth noting that the name itself was unusual for the Romanovs, and only after the reign of Alexander I it firmly entered the family namebook.
Arguments and Facts The personality of Alexander I was formed under the tireless supervision of Catherine the Great. The fact is that the empress initially considered the son of Paul I incapable of taking the throne and wanted to crown her grandson "over the head" of his father. The grandmother tried so that the boy hardly communicated with his parents, nevertheless, Pavel had an influence on his son and he took over from him his love for military science. The young heir grew up affectionate, smart, easily assimilated new knowledge, but at the same time he was very lazy and proud, which is why Alexander I did not manage to learn to focus on painstaking and long-term work.
Wikiwand Alexander I's contemporaries noted that he had a very lively mind, incredible insight and was easily carried away by everything new. But since he was actively influenced from childhood by two opposite natures, grandmother and father, the child was forced to learn to please absolutely everyone, which became the main characteristic of Alexander I. Even Napoleon called him an "actor" in a good sense, and Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin wrote about Emperor Alexander "in the face and life of a harlequin."
Runivers Carried away by military affairs, the future Emperor Alexander I did active service in the Gatchina troops, which were personally formed by his father. The result of the service was left ear deafness, but this did not prevent Paul I from promoting his son to colonel of the guard when he was only 19 years old. A year later, the son of the ruler became the military governor of St. Petersburg and headed the Semyonovsky Guards regiment, then Alexander I briefly chaired the military parliament, after which he began to sit in the Senate.
Emperor Alexander I ascended the throne immediately after the violent death of his father. A number of facts confirm that he was aware of the plans of the conspirators to overthrow Paul I, although he may not have suspected regicide. It was the new head of the Russian Empire who announced the "apoplectic stroke" that struck down his father, and literally a few minutes after his death. In September 1801, Alexander I was crowned.
Ascension of Emperor Alexander to the throne | Runivers The very first decrees of Alexander I showed that he intends to eradicate judicial arbitrariness in the state and introduce strict legality. Today it seems incredible, but there were practically no strict fundamental laws in Russia at that time. Together with his closest associates, the emperor formed an unspoken committee, with which he discussed all plans for state reform. This community was named the Committee of Public Safety, and is also known under the name of the Public Movement of Alexander I.
Immediately after Alexander I came to power, the transformations became visible to the naked eye. It is customary to divide his reign into two parts: at first, the reforms of Alexander I occupied all his time and thoughts, but after 1815 the emperor became disillusioned with them and began a reactionary movement, that is, on the contrary, he clamped people in a vice. One of the most important reforms was the creation of the "Indispensable Council", which was later transformed into a State Council with several departments. The next step is the creation of ministries. If earlier decisions on any issues were made by a majority vote, now a separate minister was responsible for each industry, who regularly reported to the head of state.
Reformer Alexander I | Russian history The reforms of Alexander I also touched upon the peasant question, at least on paper. The emperor thought about the abolition of serfdom, but he wanted to do it gradually, but he could not determine the steps for such a slow liberation. As a result, the decrees of Alexander I on "free farmers" and the ban on the sale of peasants without the land on which they live turned out to be a drop in the ocean. But Alexander's transformations in the field of education became more significant. By his order, a clear gradation of educational institutions was created according to the level of the educational program: parish and district schools, provincial schools and gymnasiums, universities. Thanks to the activities of Alexander I, the Academy of Sciences was restored in St. Petersburg, the famous Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was created and five new universities were founded.
Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum founded by Emperor Alexander I | All-Russian Museum of A.S. Pushkin But the naive plans of the sovereign for the rapid transformation of the country faced opposition from the nobles. He could not quickly implement his reforms because of the fear of a palace coup, plus they occupied the attention of Alexander 1 of the war. Therefore, despite good intentions and a desire to carry out reforms, the emperor was unable to realize all his desires. In fact, in addition to educational and state reform, only the constitution of Poland is of interest, which the ruler's associates regarded as a prototype for the future Constitution of the entire Russian Empire. But the turn of the domestic policy of Alexander I towards reaction buried all the hopes of the liberal nobility.
The starting point for a change in opinion about the need for reform was the war with Napoleon. The emperor realized that in the conditions that he wanted to create, rapid mobilization of the army was impossible. Therefore, Emperor Alexander 1 shifts politics from liberal ideas to the interests of state security. A new reform is being worked out, which has proved to be the most stuck: military transformation.
Portrait of Alexander I | Runivers With the help of the Minister of War, a project is being created for a completely new type of life - a military settlement, which represented a new class. Without much burdening the country's budget, it was supposed to maintain and equip a standing army of wartime strength. The growth in the number of such military districts continued throughout the years of the reign of Alexander I. Moreover, they survived under the successor of Nicholas I and were abolished only by the emperor.
In fact, the foreign policy of Alexander I was reduced to a series of constant wars, thanks to which the territory of the country increased significantly. After the end of the war with Persia, Russia of Alexander I gained military control of the Caspian Sea, and also expanded its possessions through the annexation of Georgia. After the Russian-Turkish war, Bessarabia and all the states of Transcaucasia replenished the possessions of the Empire, and after the conflict with Sweden - Finland. In addition, Alexander I fought with England, Austria and began the Caucasian War, which did not end during his lifetime.
The main military adversary of Russia under Emperor Alexander I was France. Their first armed conflict took place back in 1805, which, despite periodic peace agreements, constantly flared up again. Finally, inspired by his fantastic victories, Napoleon Bonaparte sent troops into the territory of Russia. The Patriotic War of 1812 began. After the victory, Alexander I entered into an alliance with England, Prussia and Austria and made a number of foreign campaigns, during which he defeated Napoleon's army and forced him to abdicate the throne. After that, the Kingdom of Poland also ceded to Russia.
When the French army ended up on the territory of the Russian Empire, Alexander I declared himself commander-in-chief and forbade peace negotiations until at least one enemy soldier remained on Russian soil. But the numerical advantage of Napoleon's army was so great that Russian troops constantly retreated inland. Soon, the emperor agrees that his presence interferes with the military leaders, and leaves for St. Petersburg. Mikhail Kutuzov, who was greatly respected by the soldiers and officers, became the commander-in-chief, but the main thing was that this man had already shown himself to be an excellent strategist.
Painting "Kutuzov at Borodino Field", 1952. Artist S. Gerasimov | Mind mapping And in the Patriotic War of 1812, Kutuzov again showed his sharp mind as a military tactician. He outlined a decisive battle near the village of Borodino and positioned the army so well that it was covered by natural relief from both flanks, and the commander-in-chief placed artillery in the center. The battle was desperate and bloody, with huge losses on both sides. The Battle of Borodino is considered a historical paradox: both armies declared their victory in the battle.
Painting "Napoleon's Retreat from Moscow", 1851. Artist Adolph Nortern | Chrontime To keep his troops on alert, Mikhail Kutuzov decides to leave Moscow. The result was the burning of the former capital and its occupation by the French, but Napoleon's victory in this case turned out to be Pirova. To feed his army, he was forced to move to Kaluga, where Kutuzov had already concentrated his forces and did not let the enemy go further. Moreover, partisan detachments inflicted effective strikes on the invaders. Deprived of food and not ready for the Russian winter, the French began to retreat. The final battle near the Berezina river put an end to the defeat, and Alexander I issued a Manifesto on the victorious end of the Patriotic War.
In his youth, Alexander was very friendly with his sister Ekaterina Pavlovna. Some sources even hinted at a relationship that is closer than just brotherly and sisterly. But these speculations are very unlikely, since Catherine was 11 years younger, and at the age of 16, Alexander I had already linked his personal life with his wife. He married a German woman, Louise Maria Augusta, who, after adopting Orthodoxy, became Elizaveta Alekseevna. They had two daughters, Maria and Elizabeth, but both died at the age of one, so the heir to the throne was not the children of Alexander I, but his younger brother Nicholas I.
TVNZ Due to the fact that his wife could not give him a son, the relationship between the emperor and his wife became very cold. He practically did not hide his love relationship on the side. At first, Alexander I cohabited for almost 15 years with Maria Naryshkina, the wife of Chief Jägermeister Dmitry Naryshkin, whom all the courtiers called him “an exemplary cuckold” in the eyes. Maria gave birth to six children, and it is customary to attribute the paternity of five of them to Alexander. However, most of these children died in infancy. Also, Alexander I had an affair with the daughter of the court banker Sophie Velho and Sophia Vsevolozhskaya, who gave birth to his illegitimate son, Nikolai Lukash, a general and war hero.
Wikipedia In 1812, Alexander I became interested in reading the Bible, although before that he was basically indifferent to religion. But he, like his best friend Alexander Golitsyn, was not satisfied with the framework of Orthodoxy alone. The emperor was in correspondence with Protestant preachers, studied mysticism and various streams of the Christian faith, and sought to unite all confessions in the name of "universal truth." Russia under Alexander I became more tolerant than ever before. The official church was outraged by such a turn and began a secret behind-the-scenes struggle against the emperor's like-minded people, including Golitsyn. The victory remained with the church, which did not want to lose power over the people.
Emperor Alexander I died in early December 1825 in Taganrog, during another trip, which he loved very much. The official cause of death of Alexander I was called fever and brain inflammation. The sudden death of the ruler caused a wave of rumors, spurred on by the fact that not long before that, Emperor Alexander had drawn up a manifesto in which he transferred the right of succession to his younger brother Nikolai Pavlovich.
Death of Emperor Alexander I | Russian Historical Library The people began to say that the emperor faked his death and became the hermit Fyodor Kuzmich. Such a legend was very popular even during the life of this truly existing old man, and in the 19th century it received additional argumentation. The fact is that we managed to compare the handwriting of Alexander I and Fyodor Kuzmich, which turned out to be almost identical. Moreover, to date, genetic scientists have a real project to compare the DNA of these two people, but so far this examination has not been carried out.
